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Many of us shared in the joy Syrians felt this week over the release of thousands of prisoners long held by the Assad regime. Amid the euphoria, it is easy to forget that in northern Syria tens of thousands of others are still detained in camps where they have been held since 2019. Approximately 94% of these detainees are women and children, with most of the children under the age of 12.
Five years after a coalition of Western forces dismantled the so-called Islamic Caliphate in northern Syria and Iraq, the plight of detainees at al-Hol and al-Roj camps remains largely ignored. Concern in the international press has focussed only on the possible repatriation of 'foreign fighters', distracting from the fact that the majority of those detained are Syrians and Iraqis.
Temporary Camps Have Become Permanent Prisons
Initially intended as temporary holding areas, allowing time for concerned governments to manage the return of their nationals, the camps have become a prolonged humanitarian crisis. Over 42,000 women and children have been confined in these camps since 2019. Many of the 29,000 children at al-Hol and al-Roj were born there and have known nothing beyond barbed wire and makeshift shelters. An entire generation of children is growing up with no hope of a future beyond the camps.
Efforts to repatriate detainees have been agonizingly slow. Nearly no repatriation of Syrians has taken place due to the Syrian government’s lack of control over the northern regions. In addition, the Assad government has consistently feared the return of rebel fighters to areas under its control.
Only seven nations have repatriated significant numbers of their citizens, with Iraq leading the way, returning 7,575 individuals, including 4,000 children. By contrast, 35 countries have taken no action, leaving thousands to endure indefinite confinement in deteriorating conditions.
Control of the camps remains in the hands of the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), supported by the Western coalition that defeated the Islamic Caliphate in 2019. Heavily reliant on U.S. funding and backed by the presence of 900 American troops and aircraft, these Kurdish forces continue to maintain a fragile security perimeter around these overcrowded camps.
Guantánamo in the Desert
The human dimensions of this crisis are staggering. One journalist, after visiting al-Hol, offered a chilling observation: “If Guantánamo were the size of a city, and its inmates were mostly women and children, it would resemble al-Hol.” In fact, the reality is far worse than this analogy suggests. Conditions in the camps are dire, with open sewage is everywhere. Diarrhea and communicable diseases are common, and have led to many deaths. Women and children share contaminated water sources, and have access to a minimal infrastructure for health and education. Violence is rampant, with murders and sexual assaults common, and the influence of ISIS ideology remains strong within the camps—to the extent that schools have been burned, simply because they taught 'secular' subjects.
Initially intended as temporary holding areas, allowing time for concerned governments to manage the return of their nationals, the camps have become a prolonged humanitarian crisis. Over 42,000 women and children have been confined in these camps since 2019. Many of the 29,000 children at al-Hol and al-Roj were born there and have known nothing beyond barbed wire and makeshift shelters. An entire generation of children is growing up with no hope of a future beyond the camps.
Efforts to repatriate detainees have been agonizingly slow. Nearly no repatriation of Syrians has taken place due to the Syrian government’s lack of control over the northern regions. In addition, the Assad government has consistently feared the return of rebel fighters to areas under its control.
Only seven nations have repatriated significant numbers of their citizens, with Iraq leading the way, returning 7,575 individuals, including 4,000 children. By contrast, 35 countries have taken no action, leaving thousands to endure indefinite confinement in deteriorating conditions.
Control of the camps remains in the hands of the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), supported by the Western coalition that defeated the Islamic Caliphate in 2019. Heavily reliant on U.S. funding and backed by the presence of 900 American troops and aircraft, these Kurdish forces continue to maintain a fragile security perimeter around these overcrowded camps.
Guantánamo in the Desert
The human dimensions of this crisis are staggering. One journalist, after visiting al-Hol, offered a chilling observation: “If Guantánamo were the size of a city, and its inmates were mostly women and children, it would resemble al-Hol.” In fact, the reality is far worse than this analogy suggests. Conditions in the camps are dire, with open sewage is everywhere. Diarrhea and communicable diseases are common, and have led to many deaths. Women and children share contaminated water sources, and have access to a minimal infrastructure for health and education. Violence is rampant, with murders and sexual assaults common, and the influence of ISIS ideology remains strong within the camps—to the extent that schools have been burned, simply because they taught 'secular' subjects.
Window of Opportunity?
The evolving geopolitical landscape introduces two new complexities—and perhaps new opportunities:
- Syria’s New Leadership: A change in Syria's leadership could open the door to repatriating some of its citizens. The attitude of any new government, of course, will remain very uncertain. While the new rulers of Syria hail from groups once linked to al-Qaeda, they may now prioritize stability and seek to limit the destabilizing influence of returning ISIS-affiliated fighters and families.
- U.S. Policy Shifts: The incoming Trump administration’s stated opposition to U.S. military involvement in the Middle East threatens to upend the status quo. A withdrawal of U.S. troops and cessation of financial support for Kurdish groups in northern Syria would leave the detention camps without resources, leading to a sudden and disorganized collapse. This uncertainty adds urgency to the search for viable solutions before conditions deteriorate further.
A Path forward?
Even if changes in geopolitics offer an opportunity, any path forward will be difficult and will demand an unprecedented level of legal and humanitarian support and cooperation. Organizations like the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) should stand at the forefront of this complex challenge. The ICRC must continue to exercise its mandate in negotiating the release and return of prisoners of war, while international legal tribunals need to help develop mechanisms able to distinguish between combatants guilty of war crimes and those simply swept up in the ISIS movement or just being in the wrong place at the wrong time.
Children represent the most vulnerable and morally unambiguous group within these camps. Most were born to mothers in detention--children imprisoned, simply because their parents were on the losing side of a war that the children did not choose.
UNICEF's expertise from child soldier rehabilitation programs in regions like South Sudan and Uganda could provide a model for rehabilitation and reintegration. Yet the Syrian context presents unprecedented challenges. Unlike previous de-militarization efforts, many of these women and children will have no families or homes to which they can return. Resettling children, especially unaccompanied children and orphans, will require both old and novel approaches: identifying and tracing distant relatives, establishing foster care, providing comprehensive psychological support, and facilitating social reintegration in communities that may be deeply skeptical or outright hostile to their return.
As the geopolitical landscape shifts, this moment represents a fleeting opportunity to solve the protracted dilemma that followed the end of the defeat of ISIS. The path forward is neither simple nor straightforward, but it is morally imperative. This is a defining moment for the humanitarian community—a test of our collective capacity to confront one of the most complex and challenging humanitarian crises of our time.
The evolving geopolitical landscape introduces two new complexities—and perhaps new opportunities:
- Syria’s New Leadership: A change in Syria's leadership could open the door to repatriating some of its citizens. The attitude of any new government, of course, will remain very uncertain. While the new rulers of Syria hail from groups once linked to al-Qaeda, they may now prioritize stability and seek to limit the destabilizing influence of returning ISIS-affiliated fighters and families.
- U.S. Policy Shifts: The incoming Trump administration’s stated opposition to U.S. military involvement in the Middle East threatens to upend the status quo. A withdrawal of U.S. troops and cessation of financial support for Kurdish groups in northern Syria would leave the detention camps without resources, leading to a sudden and disorganized collapse. This uncertainty adds urgency to the search for viable solutions before conditions deteriorate further.
A Path forward?
Even if changes in geopolitics offer an opportunity, any path forward will be difficult and will demand an unprecedented level of legal and humanitarian support and cooperation. Organizations like the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) should stand at the forefront of this complex challenge. The ICRC must continue to exercise its mandate in negotiating the release and return of prisoners of war, while international legal tribunals need to help develop mechanisms able to distinguish between combatants guilty of war crimes and those simply swept up in the ISIS movement or just being in the wrong place at the wrong time.
Children represent the most vulnerable and morally unambiguous group within these camps. Most were born to mothers in detention--children imprisoned, simply because their parents were on the losing side of a war that the children did not choose.
UNICEF's expertise from child soldier rehabilitation programs in regions like South Sudan and Uganda could provide a model for rehabilitation and reintegration. Yet the Syrian context presents unprecedented challenges. Unlike previous de-militarization efforts, many of these women and children will have no families or homes to which they can return. Resettling children, especially unaccompanied children and orphans, will require both old and novel approaches: identifying and tracing distant relatives, establishing foster care, providing comprehensive psychological support, and facilitating social reintegration in communities that may be deeply skeptical or outright hostile to their return.
As the geopolitical landscape shifts, this moment represents a fleeting opportunity to solve the protracted dilemma that followed the end of the defeat of ISIS. The path forward is neither simple nor straightforward, but it is morally imperative. This is a defining moment for the humanitarian community—a test of our collective capacity to confront one of the most complex and challenging humanitarian crises of our time.
Thanks, Tom, for reminding us about this "Guantanamo in Northern Syria" situation - only worse because of the plight of large numbers of women and children. Hardly anybody - outside a slice of the humanitarian community - knows about this horrific situation. Let's hope that the new authorities in Syria will help with efforts to rehabilitate these hapless souls with help of ICRC, UNICEF and others.
ReplyDeleteThere must have been several countries that supported ISIS financially, politically and militarily - they would not have been so successful, for so long without such support. Would it be unreasonable to ask those countries to sort out the mess their support created?
ReplyDeleteThank you, Tom! I had no idea, but I'm not surprised. Bashar al-Assad's brutal regime in Syria has been accused of severe human rights abuses during the civil war, including chemical attacks, bombings, and torture against civilians. These actions were driven by his desire to maintain power and enjoy a lavish lifestyle at his people's expense.
ReplyDeleteAl-Assad, tragically, killed many of his own citizens, including Palestinians. As of May 2021, NGO estimates that at least 580,000 people have died, with 31,000 being children. Moreover, 13 million Syrians have been displaced, and 6.7 million refugees were forced to flee the country. Many of us attending the 2015 XUNICEF Budapest reunion remember and were witness to part of the Syrian migrant path through Hungary
Considering the political crisis in the Middle East, I'm not very optimistic about the future of these displaced children. Sadly, they might become potential recruits for anti-Western extremist groups. Let's hope for the best and support the resilient, good-hearted Syrian people.
Tom, you have very well written about Syria situation. I wonder if you could write about the plight of Rohyngas in Cox’s Bazaar of Bangladesh. If you are willing to write about Rohyngas you may get information from UN Refugee Organization & Google.
ReplyDelete